Theodore
Roosevelt Inaugural Address
March 4, 1905
My fellow-citizens,
No people on earth have
more cause to be thankful than ours, and this is said reverently,
in no spirit of boastfulness in our own strength, but with gratitude
to the Giver of Good who has blessed us with the conditions
which have enabled us to achieve so large a measure of well-being
and of happiness. To us as a people it has been granted to lay
the foundations of our national life in a new continent. We
are the heirs of the ages, and yet we have had to pay few of
the penalties which in old countries are exacted by the dead
hand of a bygone civilization. We have not been obliged to fight
for our existence against any alien race; and yet our life has
called for the vigor and effort without which the manlier and
hardier virtues wither away. Under such conditions it would
be our own fault if we failed; and the success which we have
had in the past, the success which we confidently believe the
future will bring, should cause in us no feeling of vainglory,
but rather a deep and abiding realization of all which life
has offered us; a full acknowledgment of the responsibility
which is ours; and a fixed determination to show that under
a free government a mighty people can thrive best, alike as
regards the things of the body and the things of the soul.
Much has been given us,
and much will rightfully be expected from us. We have duties
to others and duties to ourselves; and we can shirk neither.
We have become a great nation, forced by the fact of its greatness
into relations with the other nations of the earth, and we must
behave as beseems a people with such responsibilities. Toward
all other nations, large and small, our attitude must be one
of cordial and sincere friendship. We must show not only in
our words, but in our deeds, that we are earnestly desirous
of securing their good will by acting toward them in a spirit
of just and generous recognition of all their rights. But justice
and generosity in a nation, as in an individual, count most
when shown not by the weak but by the strong. While ever careful
to refrain from wrongdoing others, we must be no less insistent
that we are not wronged ourselves. We wish peace, but we wish
the peace of justice, the peace of righteousness. We wish it
because we think it is right and not because we are afraid.
No weak nation that acts manfully and justly should ever have
cause to fear us, and no strong power should ever be able to
single us out as a subject for insolent aggression.
Our relations with the other
powers of the world are important; but still more important
are our relations among ourselves. Such growth in wealth, in
population, and in power as this nation has seen during the
century and a quarter of its national life is inevitably accompanied
by a like growth in the problems which are ever before every
nation that rises to greatness. Power invariably means both
responsibility and danger. Our forefathers faced certain perils
which we have outgrown. We now face other perils, the very existence
of which it was impossible that they should foresee. Modern
life is both complex and intense, and the tremendous changes
wrought by the extraordinary industrial development of the last
half century are felt in every fiber of our social and political
being. Never before have men tried so vast and formidable an
experiment as that of administering the affairs of a continent
under the forms of a Democratic republic. The conditions which
have told for our marvelous material well-being, which have
developed to a very high degree our energy, self-reliance, and
individual initiative, have also brought the care and anxiety
inseparable from the accumulation of great wealth in industrial
centers. Upon the success of our experiment much depends, not
only as regards our own welfare, but as regards the welfare
of mankind. If we fail, the cause of free self-government throughout
the world will rock to its foundations, and therefore our responsibility
is heavy, to ourselves, to the world as it is to-day, and to
the generations yet unborn. There is no good reason why we should
fear the future, but there is every reason why we should face
it seriously, neither hiding from ourselves the gravity of the
problems before us nor fearing to approach these problems with
the unbending, unflinching purpose to solve them aright.
Yet, after all, though the
problems are new, though the tasks set before us differ from
the tasks set before our fathers who founded and preserved this
Republic, the spirit in which these tasks must be undertaken
and these problems faced, if our duty is to be well done, remains
essentially unchanged. We know that self-government is difficult.
We know that no people needs such high traits of character as
that people which seeks to govern its affairs aright through
the freely expressed will of the freemen who compose it. But
we have faith that we shall not prove false to the memories
of the men of the mighty past. They did their work, they left
us the splendid heritage we now enjoy. We in our turn have an
assured confidence that we shall be able to leave this heritage
unwasted and enlarged to our children and our children's children.
To do so we must show, not merely in great crises, but in the
everyday affairs of life, the qualities of practical intelligence,
of courage, of hardihood, and endurance, and above all the power
of devotion to a lofty ideal, which made great the men who founded
this Republic in the days of Washington, which made great the
men who preserved this Republic in the days of Abraham Lincoln.
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