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Ronald Reagan's First Inaugural
Address
January 20, 1981
Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief
Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President
Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and
my fellow citizens.
To a few of us here today
this is a solemn and most momentous occasion, and yet in the
history of our nation it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly
transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely
takes place, as it has for almost two centuries, and few of
us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many
in the world, this every-four-year ceremony we accept as normal
is nothing less than a miracle.
Mr. President, I want our
fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.
By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you
have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged
to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual
liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you
and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity
which is the bulwark of our republic. The business of our nation
goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic
affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest
and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.
It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes
the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike. It
threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.
Idle industries have cast
workers into unemployment, human misery, and personal indignity.
Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by
a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps
us from maintaining full productivity.
But great as our tax burden
is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades we
have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our
children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.
To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social,
cultural, political, and economic upheavals.
You and I, as individuals,
can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited
period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively,
as a nation, we're not bound by that same limitation? We must
act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no
misunderstanding: We are going to begin to act, beginning today.
The economic ills we suffer
have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away
in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will
go away because we as Americans have the capacity now, as we've
had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve
this last and greatest bastion of freedom.
In this present crisis,
government is not the solution to our problem; government is
the problem. From time to time we've been tempted to believe
that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule,
that government by an elite group is superior to government
for, by, and of the people. Well, if no one among us is capable
of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to
govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government,
must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable,
with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.
We hear much of special
interest groups. Well, our concern must be for a special interest
group that has been too long neglected. It knows no sectional
boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political
party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food,
patrol our streets, man our mines and factories, teach our children,
keep our homes, and heal us when we're sick--professionals,
industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truck drivers.
They are, in short, "we the people," this breed called
Americans.
Well, this administration's
objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that
provides equal opportunities for all Americans, with no barriers
born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work
means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means
freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.
All must share in the productive work of this "new beginning,"
and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy. With
the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system
and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America,
at peace with itself and the world.
So, as we begin, let us
take inventory. We are a nation that has a government--not the
other way around. And this makes us special among the nations
of the Earth. Our government has no power except that granted
it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth
of government, which shows signs of having grown beyond the
consent of the governed.
It is my intention to curb
the size and influence of the federal establishment and to demand
recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to
the federal government and those reserved to the states or to
the people. All of us need to be reminded that the federal government
did not create the states; the states created the federal government.
Now, so there will be no
misunderstanding, it's not my intention to do away with government.
It is rather to make it work--work with us, not over us; to
stand by our side, not ride on our back. Government can and
must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity,
not stifle it.
If we look to the answer
as to why for so many years we achieved so much, prospered as
no other people on earth, it was because here in this land we
unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater
extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity
of the individual have been more available and assured here
than in any other place on earth. The price for this freedom
at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to
pay the price.
It is no coincidence that
our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention
and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and
excessive growth of government. It is time for us to realize
that we're too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.
We're not, as some would have us believe, doomed to an inevitable
decline. I do not believe in a fate that will fall on us no
matter what we do. I do believe in a fate that will fall on
us if we do nothing. So, with all the creative energy at our
command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew
our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us
renew our faith and our hope.
We have every right to dream
heroic dreams. Those who say that we're in a time when there
are no heroes, they just don't know where to look. You can see
heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others,
a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and
then the world beyond. You meet heroes across a counter, and
they're on both sides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs
with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new
jobs, new wealth and opportunity. They're individuals and families
whose taxes support the government and whose voluntary gifts
support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their
patriotism is quiet, but deep. Their values sustain our national
life.
Now, I have used the words
"they" and "their" in speaking of these
heroes. I could say "you" and "your," because
I'm addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens
of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are
going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration,
so help me God.
We shall reflect the compassion
that is so much a part of your makeup. How can we love our country
and not love our countrymen; and loving them, reach out a hand
when they fall, heal them when they're sick, and provide opportunity
to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and
not just in theory?
Can we solve the problems
confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic
"yes." To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not
take the oath I've just taken with the intention of presiding
over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.
In the days ahead I will
propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy
and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring
the balance between the various levels of government. Progress
may be slow, measured in inches and feet, not miles, but we
will progress. It is time to reawaken this industrial giant,
to get government back within its means, and to lighten our
punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities,
and on these principles there will be no compromise.
On the eve of our struggle
for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest
among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, president of
the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, "Our
country is in danger, but not to be despaired of . . . On you
depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important
questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of
millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves." Well, I
believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy
of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness
and liberty for ourselves, our children, and our children's
children. And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we
will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.
We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope
for those who do not now have freedom.
To those neighbors and allies
who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties
and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will
match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial
relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their
sovereignty, for our own sovereignty is not for sale. As for
the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries,
they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of
the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for
it; we will not surrender for it, now or ever.
Our forbearance should never
be misunderstood. Our reluctance for conflict should not be
misjudged as a failure of will. When action is required to preserve
our national security, we will act. We will maintain sufficient
strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we
have the best chance of never having to use that strength. Above
all, we must realize that no arsenal or no weapon in the arsenals
of the world is so formidable as the will and moral courage
of free men and women. It is a weapon our adversaries in today's
world do not have. It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.
Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey
upon their neighbors. I'm told that tens of thousands of prayer
meetings are being held on this day, and for that I'm deeply
grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended
for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if
on each Inaugural Day in future years it should be declared
a day of prayer.
This is the first time in
our history that this ceremony has been held, as you've been
told, on the West Front of the Capitol. Standing here, one faces
a magnificent vista, opening up on the city's special beauty
and history. At the end of this open mall are those shrines
to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.
Directly in front of me,
the monument to a monumental man, George Washington, father
of our country. A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.
He led Americans out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.
Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson. The
Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence. And then,
beyond the Reflecting Pool, the dignified columns of the Lincoln
Memorial. Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning
of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.
Beyond those monuments to
heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping
hills of Arlington National Cemetery, with its row upon row
of simple white markers bearing crosses of Stars of David. They
add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid
for our freedom. Each one of those markers is a monument to
the kind of hero I spoke of earlier. Their lives ended in places
called Belleau Wood, the Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno, and
halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill,
the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles
of a place called Vietnam.
Under one such marker lies
a young man, Martin Treptow, who left his job in a small town
barbershop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.
There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a
message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.
We're told that on his body
was found a diary. On the flyleaf under the heading "My
Pledge," he had written these words: "America must
win this war. Therefore I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice,
I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as
if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone."
The crisis we are facing
today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin
Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to
make. It does require, however, our best effort and our willingness
to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform
great deeds, to believe that together with God's help we can
and will resolve the problems which now confront us.
And after all, why shouldn't
we believe that? We are Americans.
God bless you, and thank
you.
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