Grover
Cleveland Inaugural Address
March 4, 1885
Fellow-Citizens:
In the presence of this
vast assemblage of my countrymen I am about to supplement and
seal by the oath which I shall take the manifestation of the
will of a great and free people. In the exercise of their power
and right of self-government they have committed to one of their
fellow-citizens a supreme and sacred trust, and he here consecrates
himself to their service.
This impressive ceremony
adds little to the solemn sense of responsibility with which
I contemplate the duty I owe to all the people of the land.
Nothing can relieve me from anxiety lest by any act of mine
their interests may suffer, and nothing is needed to strengthen
my resolution to engage every faculty and effort in the promotion
of their welfare.
Amid the din of party strife
the people's choice was made, but its attendant circumstances
have demonstrated anew the strength and safety of a government
by the people. In each succeeding year it more clearly appears
that our democratic principle needs no apology, and that in
its fearless and faithful application is to be found the surest
guaranty of good government.
But the best results in
the operation of a government wherein every citizen has a share
largely depend upon a proper limitation of purely partisan zeal
and effort and a correct appreciation of the time when the heat
of the partisan should be merged in the patriotism of the citizen.
To-day the executive branch
of the Government is transferred to new keeping. But this is
still the Government of all the people, and it should be none
the less an object of their affectionate solicitude. At this
hour the animosities of political strife, the bitterness of
partisan defeat, and the exultation of partisan triumph should
be supplanted by an ungrudging acquiescence in the popular will
and a sober, conscientious concern for the general weal. Moreover,
if from this hour we cheerfully and honestly abandon all sectional
prejudice and distrust, and determine, with manly confidence
in one another, to work out harmoniously the achievements of
our national destiny, we shall deserve to realize all the benefits
which our happy form of government can bestow.
On this auspicious occasion
we may well renew the pledge of our devotion to the Constitution,
which, launched by the founders of the Republic and consecrated
by their prayers and patriotic devotion, has for almost a century
borne the hopes and the aspirations of a great people through
prosperity and peace and through the shock of foreign conflicts
and the perils of domestic strife and vicissitudes.
By the Father of his Country
our Constitution was commended for adoption as "the result
of a spirit of amity and mutual concession." In that same
spirit it should be administered, in order to promote the lasting
welfare of the country and to secure the full measure of its
priceless benefits to us and to those who will succeed to the
blessings of our national life. The large variety of diverse
and competing interests subject to Federal control, persistently
seeking the recognition of their claims, need give us no fear
that "the greatest good to the greatest number" will
fail to be accomplished if in the halls of national legislation
that spirit of amity and mutual concession shall prevail in
which the Constitution had its birth. If this involves the surrender
or postponement of private interests and the abandonment of
local advantages, compensation will be found in the assurance
that the common interest is subserved and the general welfare
advanced.
In the discharge of my official
duty I shall endeavor to be guided by a just and unstrained
construction of the Constitution, a careful observance of the
distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government
and those reserved to the States or to the people, and by a
cautious appreciation of those functions which by the Constitution
and laws have been especially assigned to the executive branch
of the Government.
But he who takes the oath
today to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the
United States only assumes the solemn obligation which every
patriotic citizen--on the farm, in the workshop, in the busy
marts of trade, and everywhere--should share with him. The Constitution
which prescribes his oath, my countrymen, is yours; the Government
you have chosen him to administer for a time is yours; the suffrage
which executes the will of freemen is yours; the laws and the
entire scheme of our civil rule, from the town meeting to the
State capitals and the national capital, is yours. Your every
voter, as surely as your Chief Magistrate, under the same high
sanction, though in a different sphere, exercises a public trust.
Nor is this all. Every citizen owes to the country a vigilant
watch and close scrutiny of its public servants and a fair and
reasonable estimate of their fidelity and usefulness. Thus is
the people's will impressed upon the whole framework of our
civil polity--municipal, State, and Federal; and this is the
price of our liberty and the inspiration of our faith in the
Republic.
It is the duty of those
serving the people in public place to closely limit public expenditures
to the actual needs of the Government economically administered,
because this bounds the right of the Government to exact tribute
from the earnings of labor or the property of the citizen, and
because public extravagance begets extravagance among the people.
We should never be ashamed of the simplicity and prudential
economies which are best suited to the operation of a republican
form of government and most compatible with the mission of the
American people. Those who are selected for a limited time to
manage public affairs are still of the people, and may do much
by their example to encourage, consistently with the dignity
of their official functions, that plain way of life which among
their fellow-citizens aids integrity and promotes thrift and
prosperity.
The genius of our institutions,
the needs of our people in their home life, and the attention
which is demanded for the settlement and development of the
resources of our vast territory dictate the scrupulous avoidance
of any departure from that foreign policy commended by the history,
uhe traditions, and the prosperity of our Republic. It is the
policy of independence, favored by our position and defended
by our known love of justice and by our power. It is the policy
of peace suitable to our interests. It is the policy of neutrality,
rejecting any share in foreign broils and ambitions upon other
continents and repelling their intrusion here. It is the policy
of Monroe and of Washington and Jefferson--"Peace, commerce,
and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliance
with none."
A due regard for the interests
and prosperity of all the people demands that our finances shall
be established upon such a sound and sensible basis as shall
secure the safety and confidence of business interests and make
the wage of labor sure and steady, and that our system of revenue
shall be so adjusted as to relieve the people of unnecessary
taxation, having a due regard to the interests of capital invested
and workingmen employed in American industries, and preventing
the accumulation of a surplus in the Treasury to tempt extravagance
and waste.
Care for the property of
the nation and for the needs of future settlers requires that
the public domain should be protected from purloining schemes
and unlawful occupation.
The conscience of the people
demands that the Indians within our boundaries shall be fairly
and honestly treated as wards of the Government and their education
and civilization promoted with a view to their ultimate citizenship,
and that polygamy in the Territories, destructive of the family
relation and offensive to the moral sense of the civilized world,
shall be repressed.
The laws should be rigidly
enforced which prohibit the immigration of a servile class to
compete with American labor, with no intention of acquiring
citizenship, and bringing with them and retaining habits and
customs repugnant to our civilization.
The people demand reform
in the administration of the Government and the application
of business principles to public affairs. As a means to this
end, civil-service reform should be in good faith enforced.
Our citizens have the right to protection from the incompetency
of public employees who hold their places solely as the reward
of partisan service, and from the corrupting influence of those
who promise and the vicious methods of those who expect such
rewards; and those who worthily seek public employment have
the right to insist that merit and competency shall be recognized
instead of party subserviency or the surrender of honest political
belief.
In the administration of
a government pledged to do equal and exact justice to all men
there should be no pretext for anxiety touching the protection
of the freedmen in their rights or their security in the enjoyment
of their privileges under the Constitution and its amendments.
All discussion as to their fitness for the place accorded to
them as American citizens is idle and unprofitable except as
it suggests the necessity for their improvement. The fact that
they are citizens entitles them to all the rights due to that
relation and charges them with all its duties, obligations,
and responsibilities.
These topics and the constant
and ever-varying wants of an active and enterprising population
may well receive the attention and the patriotic endeavor of
all who make and execute the Federal law. Our duties are practical
and call for industrious application, an intelligent perception
of the claims of public office, and, above all, a firm determination,
by united action, to secure to all the people of the land the
full benefits of the best form of government ever vouchsafed
to man. And let us not trust to human effort alone, but humbly
acknowledging the power and goodness of Almighty God, who presides
over the destiny of nations, and who has at all times been revealed
in our country's history, let us invoke His aid and His blessings
upon our labors.
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